Sunday, September 13, 2009

The real "death panels" have nothing to do with health care...

Execution Chamber - Texas
Since 1982, Texas has executed 439 people - or 37.4% of all those executed in this country. The Lone Star State is an over-achiever in this regard, considering that Texans make up only 8% of the total U.S. population.

Of those sentenced to death in Texas, one man's case has recently garnered national scrutiny. Independent investigations undertaken by the Chicago Tribune and a newly created Texas Forensic Science Commission - as well as an expose in the most recent New Yorker - have provided near irrefutable evidence that Cameron Todd Willingham was innocent. No crime was committed when his house accidentally burned down, tragically killing his children who were sleeping inside. This evidence has come to light too late for Mr. Willingham, who was executed by the state of Texas on February 17, 2004.

Recent right-wing fixation on the false notion that health care reform bills would institute government run "death panels" begs an obvious question: where do these same people stand on the question of the government run death panels that already exist today?

Everyone is familiar with jury trials. Trial by jury is one of the central features of our system of justice, enshrined in the Magna Carta, inherited from the British, and established in the Constitution. During the Cold War, our system of jury trials was one of the many ways that the United States could differentiate itself as a free society in contrast to the Soviet Union, particularly after the highly publicized show trials conducted during Stalin's purges in the 1930's.

But few people understand the mechanics of how our fellow citizens are called upon to serve on twelve-person panels to decide whether a convicted murderer lives or dies.

Whenever a local prosecutor or a United States Attorney decides to seek a death sentence, jurors are selected in a process that includes "death qualification." In a capital case, the same jury decides both whether to convict the accused and then - if the defendant is found guilty - whether to impose a death sentence. Before the trial begins, the prosecutor and judge ask questions to determine whether potential jurors are willing to impose a death sentence. Thus, all juries in death penalty cases are skewed. Only those people who have no moral qualms with the death penalty can serve.

Research has demonstrated that these "death qualified" jurors are more likely to accept the prosecution's case, believe the police, and convict the accused. People who are opposed to the death penalty because they are concerned about possibily executing an innocent person are likely to be more skeptical of the state's case. But anyone with this firmly held belief will not serve on a capital jury. Moreover, the very process of asking jurors questions about punishment before they have heard the evidence distorts the trial. Jurors who are asked questions relating to punishment before the trial has begun could easily conclude that guilt is a foregone conclusion. Why else would both the prosecution and defense lawyers spend so much time talking with them about the death penalty?

Defense lawyers can also ask potential jurors if they are willing to impose a life sentence. Those who say that they would invariably vote for death upon a conviction of first-degree murder also should not serve on the jury. But an inexperienced defense lawyer can easily get trapped with jurors who say that they can consider both punishments - even when those jurors would almost invariably vote for death. This phenomenon is not surprising. The prosecutor has just explained that the law requires all jurors to consider life and death. People are reluctant to admit, in front of a judge, that they are unwilling to follow the law. Regardless, the defense is always stuck with jurors who say that they are willing to vote to execute their client.

The macabre death qualification process presents lawyers with a strategic dilemma - particularly when their client's culpability is uncertain. The strategy with the best odds of avoiding a death sentence may very well increase the chances of their client being convicted. The opposite is certainly true. Even when the evidence against the accused is weak, simply pursuing a reasonable doubt defense in front of the same jury that will then be asked to determine the defendant's sentence creates credibility problems. The most effective sentencing strategies include a showing of remorse and an explanation for how or why the defendant committed the murder. It is difficult to persuade jurors on these points if the lawyers have previously argued that their client didn't do the crime.

And such was the situation before the jury that decided Cameron Willingham's fate.

After he was convicted, the same jury that rejected his reasonable doubt defense was presented with evidence at a sentencing hearing before being asked to determine whether he should be sent to death row. The prosecution goes first, presenting evidence of aggravating factors -- those facts relating to the crime or the defendant that make a particular case "deserving" of death. Unfortunately, a jury's decision whether to impose death is not restricted to a consideration of these statutory aggravating factors.

Countless other random or pernicious factors play an important role in determining who gets sentenced to death. When a white victim is killed, odds of a death sentence being pursued or obtained go up significantly. Likewise, geography can be determinative. Many counties that have experienced gruesome homicides have sent nobody to death row while others end up with dozens of death sentences. In terms of aggressive use of the death penalty, as Texas is to the rest of the nation, Harris County is to the rest of Texas. About one quarter of all people executed in Texas were tried in Harris County (Houston) alone.

Jurors must also consider mitigating circumstances - or factors that help to put the defendant in a more sympathetic light. For the development and exposition of those factors to the jury, the accused must rely on appointed counsel. This chance factor can also play the determining role in whether any particular defendant receives a death sentence from the jury. Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg remarked that she had "yet to see a death case among the dozens coming to the Supreme Court on eve-of-execution applications in which the defendant was well-represented at trial.”

But, at the end of the day, it us up to the death panel, the twelve people selected in large part based on their express willingness to send someone to the execution chamber. These are the death panels that people of good will ought to be concerned about, considering the countless improper and arbitrary factors that can play a decisive role in the outcome of their life and death decisions.

It is also worth remembering that in every instance in which a person has been wrongfully convicted and sentenced to death, a jury found the evidence of guilt conclusive beyond a reasonable doubt.

Texas not only leads the nation in executions. There have been more DNA exonerations there than in any other state. Sadly, biological evidence subjec to DNA testing is available in only a small handful of cases. Unless they are independently wealthy, people like Cameron Willingham must rely on the lawyers appointed to represent them. Will those lawyers thoroughly investigate the case, scrutinize the state's evidence, have resources made available to counter the state's experts, and, in light of what they learn, pursue a sensible strategy at trial? Too often, the answer has been no.

The New Yorker article refernced above ends with an excerpt of Cameron's last words, as the poisons that would shut down his lungs and stop his heart were about to be pushed through his veins. The Texas Department of Corrections includes condemned prisoners' last statements as part of the public record of executions on its website. Though abridged due to "profanity," this is at least part of what what Cameron had to say before he died:
Yeah. The only statement I want to make is that I am an innocent man - convicted of a crime I did not commit. I have been persecuted for 12 years for something I did not do. From God's dust I came and to dust I will return - so the earth shall become my throne. I gotta go, road dog. I love you Gabby. [Remaining portion of statement omitted due to profanity.]


Friday, August 28, 2009

Part III of the Soviet rock underground: AlisA & Kino

Kino - Gruppa Krovi, 1988
Kino - Blood Type

Part III continues with two of the biggest bands who got their start at the Leningrad Rock Club, Kino and AlisA:


Play List for Part III:

Кино (Cinema) - "Ночь" ("Night")

Кино - "Мама анархия" ("Mom is Anarachy")

Кино - "Место для шага вперёд" ("Place for a Step Forward")

У меня есть дом, только нет ключей,

У меня есть солнце, но оно среди туч,
Есть голова, только нет плечей,
Но я вижу, как тучи режет солнечный луч.
У меня есть слово, но в нем нет букв,
У меня есть лес, но нет топоров,
У меня есть время, но нет сил ждать,
И есть еще ночь, но в ней нет снов.

И есть еще белые, белые дни,

Белые горы и белый лед.
Но все, что мне нужно
Это несколько слов
И место для шага вперед.

I have a home, only I've got no keys,
I have the sun, but it's between the storm clouds,

I've got a head, but I've got no shoulders,

But I see how the rays of sun slice through the clouds.

I've got words, but they've got no letters,

I've got a forest, but have no axes,

I've got time, but not will to wait,

And I've also got the night, but no dreams


I've also got white, white days
White mountains and white ice,
But all I need
Are a few words
And a place for steps forward

Кино - "Троллейбус" ("Trolleybus")


АлисА (Alisa) - "Спокойная ночь" (В. Цой) ("Good Night") (words by Viktor Tsoy)

АлисА - "Экспериментатор" ("Experimenter") [Video directed by Joanna Stingray - who has a cameo appearance at the beginning and end. I would also wager that she supplied the "Cats" t-shirt worn by Kinchev]


АлисА - "Мое поколение" ("My Generation") [NOTE - not a cover of the Who song by the same name]

Since putting together the radio show, I found the first AlisA record officially released on Melodiya - the only Soviet record label - in 1988. Titled Энергия (Energy - cover featured above) - the record features some of AlisA's early hits, including "Мы вместе" - the video of which is included below:


The initial impulse - the ball's in play
A search for contact, searching of hands
I've begun to sing in my own language
I'm certain that didn't happen suddenly
I write verses for those who
Don't wait for answers to today's questions
I sing for those who follow their own way
I'm glad if soneone understands me
We're together! We're together!

[On a personal note, this has become my two year old son's favorite song. His dance moves are eerily similar to those of the band in the video (though Cyrus adds more twirling in circles). He loves yelling "My vmeste!" ("We're together!") along to Kostya Kinchev and has had trouble accepting that any other song could be considered rock and roll.]

Kostya Kinchev continues to perform. Though from Moscow, he did not break onto to the scene until he hooked up with the Leningrad Rock Club band AlisA (as in Alice from "Alice in Wonderland"). Artemy Troitsky, a pioneering rock critic in the Soviet Union, describes him as follows: "Kostya has fluid and expressive gestures, a large mouth and bulging eyes....He spooked and sanke-charmed the audience, stetched his black-gloved hands to the crowd, moaned, whispered and parodied in rap style. But above all, he was sexy." And yet Kinchev's songs were not sexy, instead rife with social commentary.

And speaking of sexy, check out the man himself in the short shorts, boots and no shirt, telling the police to back off his fans:




There is much to write about Kino. Troitsky writes that "the dominant mood of [Tsoy's songs] was solitude and an incessant thirst for contact and love....Tsoy was still a teenager only yesterday and at heart remained one still." According to Troitsky, Grebinshikov became Tsoy's main benefactor in the Leningrad Rock Club, noting that "no one's songs had so much tenderness and purity." The first song in this week's segment of the radio show exemplifies that spirit. Tsoy sings of his love affair with the night, his love for the kitchen, "because it guards secrets," and wonders "how he can make it through the next day" before night falls again. Tsoy, even in death, remains the greatest legend of the Soviet rock scene.

By the time of this cameo appearance in the last scene of the movie Assa, Tsoy's band Kino had already recorded five full-length records:



Tsoy disputed that this song "Хочу перемен" ("I Want Change") had any political overtones, but the refrain, "Our hearts demand change, our eyes demand change/ In our laughter and our tears, pulsing through our veins/ Change! We are waiting for change" is a perfect compliment to the USSR in 1986, then on the cusp of what would turn out to be irreversible change.

August 15 marked the 19th year since Tsoy's death in a traffic accident. And yet, "Tsoy Lives!"

Viktor Tsoy's last resting place

Monday, August 10, 2009

Ahistorical analogies taken too far...

Says who?

The fear-mongering over health care reform gets stranger and stranger. As I wrote in May, the crazy conservatives and the business interests who are actively working to incite them are delving into the cold war archives. Who needs debate when you can shout down your local Congressmen with cries of "SOCIALIZED MEDICINE!" It has become clear that neither Republican leaders in Washington nor the rabble they are deploying in a desperate bid to derail reform pay any attention to facts. Republicans have determined that their best hope is to scare their base with lies.

As the picture above illustrates, many of the tea-baggers who have joined the fray are ignorant of the history they would cite to make their case. Stalin was no charismatic speech-maker. I doubt if he would make anyone's list of the 100 greatest orators of the twentieth century. If you have any doubts, listen yourself as he commemorates the end of the Great Patriotic War (World War II). But who knows, maybe he could give a stirring speech his native Georgian.

More to the point, the accusations flying from the Republican right continue to baffle. Is Obama now supposed to be a communist or a fascist? Or some crazy new commie-fascist hybrid? Or a closet Islamic fundamentalist secretly born in Kenya? There is no doubt that there were those on the left who paraded reckless comparisons of Bush to Hitler. What's different is that the Republican leadership and AM radio circuit gleefully celebrate their crazies and warn of a socialist takeover of government.

Leaders of the Republican party have teetered into dangerous territory with their hyperbole. The more they say that the President wants to establish "death panels" to kill off "unproductive members of society," (see Gov. Palin's Facebook posts) the more likely that some ignorant, crazy person will believe that it is permissible to stop the President by any means necessary. The more that they call his reform agenda "evil," the more likely that some unhinged Glenn Beck viewer will pick up his gun and take matters into his own hands. There are already reports that right wing opponents of reform are advocating bringing firearms to townhalls and using violence against SEIU or ACORN volunteers. ProgressNow reports that the car of one of its staff members - with visible pro-health care reform paraphernalia - was vandalized after a right-wing protest against the reform effort.

Back in April of this year, a group of students at UNC Chapel Hill were arrested for attempting to interfere with a speech by former Congressman Tancredo on immigration. Conservatives, such as Fox regular Michelle Malkin, were appalled at the students' lack of regard for First Amendment principles on campus. But where is Malkin now that right wingers are shouting down members of Congress at public forums? She is proud to say that she is part of the mob. And she is not alone. Red State was equally aghast at the student protests of Tancredo and is now furiously whipping up the "I am the mob" mentality.

Maybe the best hope for passage of the President's health care plan is for truly independent, middle of the road voters to react against those who are shutting down town hall meetings by shouting down elected officials. Organizing and protest are essential ingredients of a democracy - nobody is saying otherwise - but hostile intimidation and jeering at your opponents are not.

It is one thing to lie to the people about what is in the bill. It was predictable that those with something to lose in this debate would not attack the bills on their merits, but would instead make up slogans untethered to reality. In place of a debate on the merits, we get warnings of "government takeover," "rationing," "forced euthanasia," and the most quaint, "Keep The Guvmint Out Of My Medicare!"

These lies are dishonorable, but the Republicans have shown no hesitance to lie in order to advance their agenda (see Iraq). Working overtime, however, to convince people on the fringe that the President wants to kill American citizens is a new low. Let's keep working to reach reasonable people out there who will not believe the hype.

And let's hope that fair reporting of this rotten campaign will keep reminding voters that the Republican party is not run by reasonable people.